Walking in the biggest Pride ever held in Asia last weekend was an uplifting experience. As many predicted, the march had a political edge to it, given the legislative dithering on marriage equality (despite a mandate from the constitutional court) and the upcoming referendums on the November 24th ballots. Two of these referendums are pro-equality: one is seeking to affirm equality-based education in schools and the other calling for a civil code amendment for marriage equality. Three are against: ending gender/sexuality education in schools, defining marriage as used in the civil code as “between a man and a woman,” and having a separate law for same-sex partnerships in a way that uncomfortably recalls mid-century American “separate but equal” excuses for bigotry.

For a number of reasons, it is unclear what will happen if all, or even some, of these referendums pass. First, it is not clear to what degree referendums in Taiwan are binding. More problematically, at least one referendum – for the civil code to define marriage as “between a man and a woman” – seems to be directly unconstitutional given the pro-equality ruling of the Grand Justices in 2017. And most obviously, the referendums themselves are directly contradictory. What happens if two diametrically opposed referendums pass at the same time? The only predictable result is a legal mess.

Not all of the anti-equality referendums are so clearly unconstitutional. Seeking a “separate law” for same-sex partnerships might technically fulfill the ruling of the constitutional court, despite the fact that such a law will almost certainly confer unequal rights. If a “separate law” is found to fulfill the legal requirements stipulated in 2017, and does not conflict with defining “marriage” as between “a man and a woman”, this too might be allowed to stand. None of these possibilities is clear, however.

What does seem clear is that anti-equality campaigners are aware that the 2017 ruling requires some form of same-sex marriage. Therefore, they are trying to push through the most unequal, discriminatory, Jim Crow-esque version of it as possible, and to convince voters that this is an acceptable form of the “equality” afforded to all Taiwanese citizens in the constitution.


Lopsided campaign strategies

More frighteningly, anti-equality proponents are simply better organized than their pro-equality counterparts.

At Pride, several people were passing out materials related to these referendums. They were a major underlying political theme, making it feel more like a rally or march than a celebratory parade. Although discussion of the referendums goes naturally with this year’s Pride, the strategy involved here is rather ineffective. That event was the only time I’ve seen them publicly campaigning for equality in the run-up to the vote out in the real world (pro-equality supporters have a strong social media presence).  

This is simply preaching to the choir. If one is motivated enough to go to Pride, one is almost certainly motivated enough to specifically vote for marriage equality initiatives.

In contrast, the anti-gay campaigners have been canvassing for support on the streets day in and day out, and have been a strong presence in community Line groups. LGBT friends of mine have seen their own otherwise-accepting parents succumb to their tactics: “I love you and totally support you,” one friend’s mother said, “and it’s also important to protect marriage.”

I recently saw these same canvassers in my neighborhood, handing out fliers (somehow they refused to give me one), and could well convince some of my older neighbors to go out and vote against equality. It might even convince some who had no strong opinion on marriage equality to do so.

Their rhetoric is tempting to those who lean conservative but have no strong opinion on marriage equality: it allows them to feel as though they’re “protecting” some fabricated set of cultural values while not coming across as “bigots” (after all, they might say, aren’t they voting for a referendum that allows same-sex partnerships?)

I have not seen anyone on the pro-equality side in any neighborhood going around and actually talking to these same people, nor have I heard of them discussing support for equality in community Line groups.

Real Contact Changes Minds

That’s a problem, as it has been shown that going out and simply talking to people about these issues in a friendly way changes minds. Simply meeting an out LGBT person and realizing that they are not sexual deviants or angry political agitators seeking to destroy the fabric of society can have a profound effect.

This is what pro-equality campaigners need to be doing, going out and doing the legwork, but they simply don’t seem to stepped up their game yet.

This is not to say that pro-equality advocates have not been active at all. New Power Party (NPP) candidates have jointly signed a statement in support of marriage equality, and proposed a discussion of amending the civil code to explicitly include marriage equality. That discussion was blocked by the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), a move that was essentially forced by the NPP to show the DPP’s true stance on the issue: that they support equality when it is politically convenient but won’t follow through as long as the stance of their more conservative base is unclear.

These moves, as well as a strong social media presence, may convince some supporters who aren’t particularly politically engaged to come out and vote. However, they won’t change minds and therefore won’t increase the support base.

The NPP has been consistently and openly pro-equality, so signing a statement does little to further discussion of the issue. Forcing the DPP to show their hand was a smart move, but the strongest support for changing the civil code comes from the strongest supporters of marriage equality already. Those who follow progressive thought leaders on social media are likely already supporters.

Changing minds requires getting into those self-contained, mom-and-pop Line groups. It requires going out on the street and talking to people who may not automatically support you. It means telling Auntie Lin and Uncle Chen that you are gay, or that you are an ally, and talking to them about why. It means knocking on doors and passing out fliers and having conversations. It could mean something as simple as putting a rainbow flag on one’s own door, even if the neighbors are known to be conservative.

It does not mean stickers and banners in coffeeshops and talking to people who follow you on social media already. These are good things to do, but amount to wallpapering one’s echo chamber.

Hope for November

There are reasons to for pro-equality supporters to stay optimistic. Friends who are in the aforementioned community and school Line groups tell me that other Taiwanese who had previously not expressed a political opinion have spoken out against anti-equality messages. I personally have noted no strong reaction to my openness as an ally at work. One acquaintance, an older “conservative” man, has said “instinctively I used to think same-sex marriage was wrong, but then I thought about it, and now I think, everyone is equal. My reflex was to vote against marriage equality, but now I know that it wouldn’t be right.”

The general mood, at least in Taipei, seems to be shifting from confusion or misunderstanding of what marriage equality means to not wanting to be seen as a “bigot”: even the most vituperous anti-equality campaigners have been pushed into supporting separate same-sex marriage legislation.

This is the perfect political climate in which to have these conversations. Conservative DPP supporters generally support Taiwanese independence, and are receptive to discussions on how to show the world that Taiwan is unique and has very different social and cultural values from China. We must remind them that the world is watching Taiwan now, waiting to see if marriage equality will come to Asia and if Taiwan will be the first to bring it. We must remind them that the Taiwan they are fighting for is more than just an independent nation in name: that if we believe in Taiwan as a nation founded on the shared values of democracy, freedom and human rights, then this must also include equality. Not only that, but every democratic nation on Earth will take notice of Taiwan if we show that we truly live by our values on November 24th.

Most importantly, the vote is three weeks away. There is still time to organize, campaign and vocally support equality. There is time to have those conversations. There is time to get a broad demographic of people supporting us, and to get them talking to others about it. Talking about equality changes minds, so we need to step up our game and start talking. Now.

(Feature photo by Jenna Lynn Cody)



Jenna has lived and worked in Taipei for two decades and takes a particular interest in Taiwanese culture, society and politics. She blogs at http://laorencha.blogspot.com
Jenna Lynn Cody