The KMT’s At-large Legislator Party List: Troubles in the Rank

After several revisions, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has finally submitted its at-large legislator party list. These people whom the KMT nominated to the Legislative Yuan (LY) have been hugely controversial; they include people who openly profess loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party and are unpopular even within the KMT supporters. The controversy from the party list may be a symptom of larger issues in the KMT.

What are “At-large” legislators?

In Taiwan, voters vote not just for their local legislators in their district, but also cast a separate vote for a political party that goes towards deciding how many at-large legislators a party will get. 34 candidates of the 113 members of the Legislative Yuan are elected this way. Large parties like the KMT and DPP usually fill up 34 nominees, with the hope of getting at around the first 14-18 of them as LY members. Smaller parties usually struggle as they have to cross a 5% threshold to receive seats.

Even though voters for the party as a whole, the party-list candidates individually can still affect how voters perceive the list. Around the first 14 candidates on the list are considered “safe” for the KMT, since polls are predicting that the party will receive about a third of all party-list votes this year. Traditionally, the top 8 nominees are thematic experts or professional representatives. Placements between the 8th and 14th typically include party heavyweights and to-be caucus leaders. 

Up-and-comers are typically placed after the 14th to draw more votes. Since at-large candidates are also frequently tapped to become ministers, they would come in as replacements.

The at-large list is where we see party feudalism coming in play. Faction leaders frequently compete to get their patrons and loyalists on.

Strategic moves

A strategic move made by the KMT this year is “acquiring” the New Party, which took around 4% of the party at-large votes last year (this is done by nominating New Party figures on the KMT list). Though the KMT has become much more pro-Beijing in the recent decade, the New Party is even more fundamentally pro-unification. The New Party is a target of Beijing’s United Front Work, and a leader has been found developing organizations on Beijing’s behalf.

The coalition with the New Party probably led to the necessity to attempt to include New Party unificationist Chiu Yi (邱毅) onto the KMT list in the second iteration of the list. The move, however, backfired significantly, as pro-DPP political pages over Facebook immediately mobilized against the appearance of Chiu on the list. Clips of Chiu speaking in favor of unification with China was released to criticize the appointment. 

Chiu was a former legislator, and in 2004, after the KMT lost the presidential election by a fraction of a percent, led an angry mob attacking the Kaohsiung district court, demanding a recount. He was ridiculed as “Generalissimo Battering Ram” (衝車大將軍) for ramming campaign vehicles into the court gate, injuring several police officers.

Other controversial figures

Though Chiu was eventually removed off of the list in the third and final iteration of the list, several other controversial figures remained. Number two on the list Ye Yu-lan (葉毓蘭), previously ranked first, and number four retired general Wu Sz-huai (吳斯懷), unchanged in the final iteration, were likely selected to appeal to the retired police and military communities. Members of the two focus groups are likely targeted given discontent over Tsai’s pension reform. 

Ye had previously labeled Hong Kong protesters “violent mobsters” (暴民) and supported the Hong Kong police. Her remarks against Hong Kong protesters are especially controversial given the current level of Hong Kong-Taiwan solidarity, and the ever-increasing violent tactics of the Hong Kong police.  

Wu was involved with the 800 Heroes anti-pension reform group, known for its violent protests against the Tsai administration’s pension reforms. Wu has led delegations of retired generals to China to meet with political and military leaders of the Chinese Communist Party. His appearance has been used by Chinese state media CCTV for propaganda.

Number 10, Chen Yi-shin (陳以信), moved from 16th, is considered a close affiliate of former president Ma Ying-jeou and the one remaining younger face on the list. Chen is also the Executive Director of the Institute for Taiwan-America Studies (ITAS), a DC think tank. The change can be considered a small reprise and the addition of a pro-Washington contact to what would otherwise be a heavily pro-Beijing list.

Chairman Wu Den-yih, originally at 10th, moved to 14th in the final iteration. This puts him at risk of not being elected at all if the KMT suffers from an unexpected defeat. The placement has been at the center of debate since it suggests low morale within the KMT rank.

#15 Hsieh Long-jie (謝龍介), known for asking intense questions in full Taiwanese in Tainan local legislature and originally #12, is now put in a spot considered to be the “rearguard” of the KMT list. 

Discontent within the ranks

The list sparked massive discontent and exposed major fractures within the KMT rank. The list was attacked from virtually all sides, and Wu Den-yih was accused of nepotism.

Many KMT heavyweights such as Hau Lung-pin (郝龍斌), Hung Hsiu-chu (洪秀柱), and Sean Lien (連勝文) have criticised the list. Though the list is overwhelmingly pro-Beijing and pro-unification, outspoken pro-unificationists within the KMT rank are discontent at the list’s potential low popularity with voters.

Interestingly, the KMT presidential candidate also appeared to distance themselves from the list. Remarks made by Han Kuo-yu seem to defy the political tilt of the list, when Han surprisingly and openly supported the efforts by activists to push for true universal suffrage in Hong Kong.

Chang Shan-cheng, Han’s nonpartisan running mate, even suggested that voters could vote for Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-je’s Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) if they are discontent with the list.

Younger KMT members such as Lo Chih-chiang (羅智強) staged a sit-in at the KMT headquarters in Taipei after the publication of the second iteration. The New Republic Report (新共和通訊) publication, organized by young KMT members, published a competing “dream list” in protest.

A trend shared by the DPP, many of the younger members of the KMT who were nominated in 2016, such as current term legislator Jason Hsu (許毓仁) and Alfred Lin (林家興), are no longer nominees. 

What exactly is Chairman Wu thinking?

KMT Chairman Wu Den-yi’s consideration to put himself as a member of the at-large list was leaked early in the process. This was extensively used to attack the party, since it suggests that the KMT Chairman is not at all confident in winning either the presidency or a legislature majority. 

With Han 13 points behind Tsai and strong attacks mounted by the DPP to dig up unexposed vulnerabilities, the race is not looking good for the KMT. Chairman Wu’s decision to place himself on the list is likely a shock to many in the party, as the KMT had never had a presidential candidate who is not also party chairman.

The placement is telling of how Wu intends to preserve strength as the KMT struggles in the race for president. If Wu successfully enters the Legislative Yuan as Han loses the presidential race, he could lead a KMT opposition from within the Legislative Yuan rather than continue to criticise the DPP without an elected office.

The surprising rise of Han Kuo-yu, an otherwise low-level figure in the KMT, has significantly disrupted the KMT ecosystem and the rigid hierarchy that defines the party. Wu is likely preparing for the influence vacuum after a defeat by Han. 

Conclusion

Though the list has slightly improved with the removal of the most controversial figure Chiu Yi, it still remains a major concern in terms of Taiwan’s continued independence from Beijing’s influence and Taiwan’s national security. Ye Yu-lan and Wu Sz-huai, the two most controversial figures on the list, are almost guaranteed to become lawmakers next year. 

Once elected, at-large legislators cannot be recalled, unlike locally elected ones. They will also have the ability to request classified files. At the end of the day, the election of these more radical Chinese Communist apologists can pose significant issues for Taiwan’s national security.

As democratic values in Taiwan continues to strengthen, so do forces seeking to undermine democracy. This year, individuals who have focused their careers on catering to Beijing are seeking to enter the Legislative Yuan this year as candidates of the major opposition political party. 

The KMT is treading dangerously close to accommodating to the interest of Beijing over the interests of the Taiwanese people. It will remain a question whether the party can make its pro-Beijing stances compatible with Taiwan’s democratic values.

(Feature photo by Kelly Hwong for Wikicommons, CC BY-SA 4.0)