Lai Ching-te: Continuing Down Tsai’s Path

This article was co-authored by Jenny Li and Peng-Hsuan Chen of US Taiwan Watch. 

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On May 20, Lai Ching-te was inaugurated as Taiwan’s President in Taipei, where he delivered his first speech as the nation’s leader. Pinned to Lai’s jacket was a brooch of a rapeseed flower, a common flower across Taiwan that symbolizes service and sacrifice. He opted for a purple tie – his lucky color – symbolically adorned with patterns of Taiwan’s Purple Crow butterfly. Standing on the podium in front of Ketagalan Boulevard, he begins his first speech as the nation’s leader, his Mandarin carrying hints of a native Taiwanese accent.

Lai’s story – from being the son of an impoverished mining family to becoming a medical doctor and then becoming President – is somewhat symbolic of Taiwan’s own metamorphosis. A decade ago, one would have difficulty imagining the attention that Taiwan would receive this week. Yet on Monday, the world awaited the speech that Lai would deliver. Having transformed from an authoritarian state to a vibrant democracy, Taiwan now commands a special place in the international community. And the new President is fully aware of it.

On Taiwan-China Relation

Lai addresses one of the most anticipated subjects of his presidency: his position toward the “Republic of China (ROC).” Many had expected him to eschew the term due to his pro-Taiwan stance, but his inaugural speech quickly made clear that he would follow in former president Tsai Ing-Wen’s footsteps in accepting the “Republic of China, Taiwan” framework – that is, Taiwan is already an independent country under the official name of “Republic of China, Taiwan” and therefore does not need to declare independence. In fact, he mentions the ROC more times than in either of Tsai’s inaugural speeches, a sign that he is willing to compromise to maintain the delicate status quo that his predecessor had established. In areas where he appears to go further than his predecessor, he merely makes explicit what was often left unsaid but does not offer more than what Tsai had laid out.

“According to the Constitution of the Republic of China, the sovereignty of the Republic of China belongs to all citizens; those who have the nationality of the Republic of China are citizens of the Republic of China,” Lai remarked. “The Republic of China and the People’s Republic of China are not subordinate to one another. We must unite and love the country. Any political party must oppose annexation and protect the country’s sovereignty. They must not sacrifice national sovereignty for the sake of political power.”

The idea that “Taiwan and China are not subordinate to each other,” while novel in an inaugural speech, is not a departure from past policy. It was explicitly outlined as part of Tsai’s “Four Commitments” in her 2021 National Day Address and referenced by presidents from different political camps, including former President Ma Ying-Jeou who is more accommodating toward China. Thus, while political commentators are likely eager to read the tea leaves in his speech, inspecting for signals of “brewing conflict,” Lai presented an objective reality that many Taiwanese see and experience daily. For most Taiwanese, Taiwan already exists as an independent and sovereign state separate from China, and Lai’s language reflects life as any ordinary Taiwanese lives it.

Lai calls on China to cease its passive-aggressive behavior. Instead, it must acknowledge that Taiwan already exists as a sovereign state. Peaceful coexistence, he argues, is the only path forward if both sides care about the welfare of their people. Lai demonstrated that he would adhere to Tsai’s China policy. There was clear recognition that China has not responded to the olive branches that Taiwan has offered in the past, and he does not attempt to propose an overwrought formula that would undermine Taiwan’s sovereignty for goodwill. Like his predecessor, Lai invited China to restart dialogues with Taiwan based on mutual respect, equality, and dignity. In fact, he goes further than Tsai in her inaugural speeches, proposing to reopen tourism and expand educational exchanges with Chinese students. 

Indeed, Lai’s speech also reflects hopes for dialogue with China on equal footing. He does not use euphemisms for China but refers to China as “China” or the “People’s Republic of China.” Unlike in past inaugural speeches, he does not refer to “the Mainland” or “the party across the Strait.” Instead, Lai addresses Taiwan and China equally in name, in the manner in which he hopes the two parties ought to be treated.

But willingness to dialogue and cultivate exchange should not be mistaken for weakness or idealism. “As we pursue the ideal of peace, we must not harbor any delusions. So long as China refuses to renounce the use of force against Taiwan, all of us in Taiwan ought to understand, that even if we accept the entirety of China’s position and give up our sovereignty, China’s ambition to annex Taiwan will not simply disappear,” Lai remarked. 

In other words, peace must come from strength. Taiwan will continue to invest in its self-defense capabilities, even as it seeks communication channels with China. It must strengthen its economy and find its place in an increasingly digitized global economy. Lai expressed hopes for Taiwan to leverage its advanced semiconductor chip production strengths, spearhead the artificial intelligence revolution, and bolster maritime and energy sectors. At the same time, he would work on pressing social issues like affordable housing and elderly care, as well as domestic problems that have had considerable sway in the January elections. 

An Uphill Battle

Lai faces an uphill battle. Unlike his predecessor, he will not have majority support in Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan, and the opposition is particularly hostile to his administration. The DPP’s main rival, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), is now the largest party in the legislature, and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) runs on a populist, anti-establishment, and anti-DPP platform. No one party holds a legislative majority, yet the KMT and TPP have strong incentives to form a caucus to oppose Lai’s policies.

In his speech, Lai remarked that he would focus on improving local-central relations and bolstering cooperation between the legislative and executive branches. There needs to be unity in the legislature, he explained, and each party should put the national interest above their party interests – this remark insinuated the opposition’s recent attempts at passing legislative reforms that would hinder the operations of his administration. He stressed that each party ought to shoulder the responsibilities bestowed upon them by voters. But growing distrust between the DPP and the opposition parties exacerbates the difficulties of establishing any collaborative environment within the legislature. 

Only last week, the KMT-led caucus attempted to pass a bill on parliamentary reforms without substantive discussion and review by the DPP in the legislature. The bill’s controversial provisions aside, many have expressed concern for the undemocratic process by which the KMT attempted to pass the bill. Through their sheer numerical advantage of presence in the Legislative Yuan, the opposition sought to physically force the bill through the legislature without public disclosure and debate, leading to physical altercations that made headlines. Now, thousands of protestors have taken to the streets to protest the KMT’s unconstitutional attempts at passing the controversial reforms, reminiscent of the 2014 Sunflower Movement.

Even names can cause contention in Taiwan’s legislature. The Kinmen incident is a case in point. In February, a Chinese speedboat entered the restricted Kinmen waters and collided with a Taiwanese Coast Guard vessel during the pursuit, resulting in the deaths of two Chinese sailors. KMT lawmakers insisted on framing the incident as the “Kinmen Boat Ramming Case,” aligning with China’s official narrative, rather than using the more neutral term “Kinmen Speedboat Accident.” At the same time, members of the KMT insisted on referring to China as “the Mainland” — which reinforces a sense of kinship between the two sides across the Taiwan Strait — while the DPP prefers neutral terms by referring to China as simply “China.”

The opposition also appears determined to undermine Tsai’s foreign policy, which centers on building trust among democratic allies. Rather than focusing on honing ties with democracies like the United States, high-ranking KMT officials frequently travel to China and adopt pro-Beijing rhetoric that seeks to undermine the ruling party. These officials include former President Ma Ying-jeou, Legislative Yuan caucus leader Fu Kun-Chi, Vice Chairman Andrew Hsia, and former KMT Chairman Hau Lung-bin. 

By displaying a more accommodating attitude toward China and adopting pro-Beijing rhetoric, the KMT has sought to present itself as the “only party capable of dialogue with China.” Yet, unlike the DPP’s criteria for dialogue, which is premised upon mutual respect and dignity, some KMT officials’ readiness to accommodate Beijing has often come at the expense of being presented as a junior partner to their supposed counterparts. This development risks Taiwan’s political independence and is another challenge to Lai’s new government. 

Dilemma and Hopes

Two clear motifs emerged from Lai’s inaugural address. The first was “unity,” and the second was “bringing Taiwan to the world.” Together, these two motifs presented the new administration’s plans for future policymaking. At the end of his speech, Lai compared Taiwan to a “mother” and asked his fellow citizens to praise and nurture her, calling for unity among people to work together to protect her. “Let the world embrace her, and allow her the international respect she deserves as a great nation,” he remarked.

Echoing the inauguration ceremony’s theme of “weaving Taiwan together and marching forward with democracy,” Lai’s first task must be to unify a country separated by serious social and political divides. Then, he must present Taiwan to the world, building upon the foundation that the Tsai administration had constructed. Faced with a hostile legislature, Lai will likely face many obstacles in carrying out this vision, but then again, being the President of Taiwan has never been easy. As Lai outlined in his speech, Taiwan is a resilient democracy. Its people, too, are resilient. Dilemma after dilemma, the people of Taiwan have stood up to the occasion to protect its hard-earned democracy. That itself brings much hope. 

Jenny Li is an editor at US Taiwan Watch. She is currently a policy associate at the Formosan Association for Public Affairs, where she researches Indo-Pacific security. She is a writer on Taiwanese politics and an incoming Ph.D. candidate in political science at Boston College. She received her M.A. in international affairs from Columbia University, where she concentrated on International Security Policy and East Asia. Her views are strictly her own.

Peng-Hsuan Chen is a writer at US Taiwan Watch, a think tank focusing on U.S.-Taiwan relations. She is also a Research Associate for the Democratic Progressive Party Mission in the United States, based in Washington, D.C. Her views are strictly her own.

(Featured photo by Taiwan’s Presidential Office)