Which country do the Taiwanese people consider their “motherland” by the people of Taiwan?
During his first National Day reception after taking office, Taiwan’s President Lai Ching-te stated, “The People’s Republic of China could never be the motherland of the people of Taiwan.” He pointed out that, if anything, the Republic of China, with its capital in Taipei, might be considered the motherland for some PRC citizens over the age of 75. His remarks sparked a lively discussion within Taiwanese society on the concept of motherland. The opposition Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators criticised Lai’s comments as inappropriate and sarcastically asked, “By this logic, does it mean that the motherland of Taiwanese people over 80 is the Empire of Japan?”
The national identity of the Taiwanese people is closely linked to Taiwan’s historical background, and understanding this issue requires a review of Taiwan’s modern history. Beginning in May 1895, Japan established colonial rule over Taiwan and its affiliated islands, a rule that lasted for half a century until the end of WWII in 1945, when Tokyo relinquished its control.
The Second World War, nearly 80 years ago, remains the largest global conflict in human history, yet the complex role of Taiwanese people during this period is seldom discussed. During the war, Taiwanese served alongside Japanese colonialists as part of the Axis powers, only to be integrated into the victorious Allied camp following Japan’s defeat.
Three Tears in Borneo & Taiwanese soldiers of the Imperial Japanese Army
Nearly 80 years after Japan’s withdrawal from Taiwan, Public Television Service Taiwan released a mini-series in 2024 titled *Three Tears in Borneo*, which tells the story of young Taiwanese conscripted during WWII to serve as guards in Japanese prisoner-of-war camps in Borneo. After Japan’s surrender, Australian forces took over these camps, revealing war atrocities and holding both Japanese personnel and Taiwanese guards accountable in post-war trials.
The series has been praised by audiences as the best Taiwanese drama of 2024. The director Sun Chieh-heng stated that the series presents WWII from a distinctly Taiwanese perspective. He pointed out that Taiwan has rarely narrated its own perspective on the war. In contrast, Americans have produced numerous films about heroically resisting Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor, and the Japanese can depict stories of kamikaze pilots sacrificing themselves for their country. Thus, he decided to explore the WWII experience from a uniquely Taiwanese viewpoint.
Who am I? Japanese, or something else?
During the war, Taiwanese people fought for the Empire of Japan as “Japanese,” yet after the war, they were reclassified as “Chinese.” This historical progression led to deep identity conflicts for many Taiwanese soldiers who served Japan, and the general population alike.
During the war, over 200,000 Taiwanese were conscripted by Japanese colonial authorities to serve on the front lines. These young Taiwanese were assigned roles such as interpreters, military porters, agents, and appointed merchants. However, they were not official soldiers; instead, they were auxiliary personnel attached to the military (軍屬), without any rank. Tragically, many lost their lives in foreign lands. Some of these Taiwanese soldiers were captured by the Soviet Union and sent to labour camps, while others were compelled to participate in the Chinese Civil War, fighting either as members of the National Army (國軍) or the Communist forces in a conflict that was not their own.
In the 1970s, Japanese soldiers hiding in tropical rainforests were gradually discovered, shocking both Japan and the international community. These soldiers had remained unaware for over 20 years after the end of the war that Japan had surrendered. In late 1974, the Indonesian government found the last remaining Japanese soldier from WWII, a man named Nakamura Teruo. Once Tokyo realised that Nakamura was born Taiwanese, the response grew notably indifferent.
By then, Japan had severed diplomatic ties with the Republic of China in Taipei in 1972 and established relations with the People’s Republic of China. After the war, the Japanese parliament passed several laws granting various compensations to military personnel and their bereaved families. However, these laws specifically excluded non-Japanese nationals, meaning that Taiwanese-born Japanese soldiers were unable to receive the compensation they were due because they were not Japanese citizens anymore.
After the war, the compensation and entitlements that these Taiwanese individuals were due as “Japanese” were largely overlooked. It was not until the 1980s that the Japanese government passed relevant compensation laws, yet these provisions fell far short of what Japanese nationals received. In 1989, Tokyo formally began offering compensation payments of two million yen to each Taiwanese-born Japanese soldier, whereas Japanese soldiers were eligible for a 30 million yen military pension.
Other Taiwanese-born Japanese soldiers also received no fairer treatment than Nakamura. For these soldiers and their families, there were two significant challenges: on the one hand, they faced indifference from their “former homeland,” Japan, and, having lost Japanese nationality, they could not access any compensation. On the other hand, the KMT government, which took over Taiwan after the war, also did little to address their rights, leaving them under the governance of their former “enemy” during the war.
A dignified Chinese, or something else?
May 20, 2008 marked the inauguration of KMT President Ma Ying-jeou. On this day, Taiwanese-born Japanese soldier Hsu Chao-jung (許昭榮,1928-2008) self-immolated in a plea for greater awareness in Taiwanese society regarding the rights of Taiwanese-born Japanese soldiers. After WWII, Hsu had joined the KMT forces, changing from a Japanese soldier to the very enemy he once opposed.
The 2023 documentary *One Day I’ll Return Home* (有一天我會回家) tells the story of Hakka youth Lai Hsing-yang (賴興煬), who, at 19, became a Taiwanese-born Japanese soldier and was sent to the Korean Peninsula. After the war, he was captured by the Soviet Union and endured three and a half years in a Siberian labour camp. This documentary has won numerous awards, including Best Foreign Language Documentary at the Nice International Film Festival in France, Best Documentary at the Tokyo Shorts Film Festival, and Best Director at the Chicago International Film Festival.
Since the period of Japanese colonial rule, Taiwanese identity has drawn considerable attention from Taiwan’s social elites. In the 1920s, prominent figures such as Tsai Pei-huo and Chiang Wei-shui advocated for the idea that “Taiwan is a part of the Japanese Empire, yet it also belongs to the people of Taiwan.” (台灣是台灣人的台灣) Following WWII, the KMT government promoted a policy of “Sinicisation” in Taiwan, banning the use of Japanese within a year of the war’s end and encouraging Taiwanese people to adopt the new “national language” (Mandarin), fostering a “Chinese” identity.
As a result, President Chiang Kai-shek’s legacy of “be a dignified Chinese,” (堂堂正正的中國人) left a lasting impact. However, his successor Chiang Ching-kuo later expressed that he was “a Chinese, and naturally, a Taiwanese as well,” hoping to defuse criticisms of the KMT as a “foreign regime” by acknowledging the concept of a “new Taiwanese.”
Upon assuming the presidency in 1988, Lee Teng-hui strengthened the “new Taiwanese” narrative, aiming to build an identity for Taiwan (the ROC) as a sovereign, independent state. Chen Shui-bian, DPP’s first president, took this further in 2002 by asserting that “Taiwan and China are one country on each side” (台灣中國,一邊一國) and implemented policies focused on fostering a distinctly Taiwanese identity.
In 2008, Ma Ying-jeou led the KMT back into power, promoting economic and cultural cooperation between Taipei and Beijing and emphasising the “1992 Consensus,” (九二共識) which asserts that “both sides belong to one China.” (兩岸同屬一中) These efforts were highly regarded by Beijing, facilitating Taiwan’s involvement in international organisations within the “One China” framework accepted by Beijing and culminating in a historic meeting between Ma and Xi Jinping. In 2016, with the DPP back in office under Tsai Ing-wen’s leadership, the administration pursued a “localisation” of the ROC, emphasising that the “Republic of China Taiwan” and PRC are not subordinate to each other, rejecting the view that Taiwan’s status is an internal Chinese matter.
Differences in Historical Perspectives & future for Taiwan
In 2013, Taiwan saw a debate erupt over whether the period of Japanese colonial rule should be referred to as “Japanese governance” or “Japanese occupation.” Then-President Ma Ying-jeou advocated for the term “Japanese occupation” to underscore the legitimacy of China’s claim to Taiwan, inherited from the Qing Dynasty. However, Lai Ching-te, then Mayor of Tainan, argued that the term “Japanese occupation” should not be enforced, considering it lacked legitimacy and created unnecessary contention. These differing perspectives towards the period of Japanese colonization highlight the contrasting historical views held by various political parties and leaders in Taiwan.
For Taiwanese-born Japanese soldiers, the greatest source of confusion and pain lies in the questions “For whom were we fighting?” and “What was the purpose of all that we endured in the war?” Nearly 80 years since the end of the war, these soldiers’ stories offer a deeper understanding of the evolution of Taiwanese identity and a shared commitment to safeguarding a peaceful future.
Featured photo by Taras Kretyuk on Pixabay)
- Reflecting on the Motherlands of the Taiwanese: Three Tears in Borneo - November 30, 2024
- The Continuous Rise of Taiwanese Subjectivity From Colonial Legacy to Democratic Era - October 10, 2024