Writing a Decade After the 318 Movement

This is a translation of the original  寫在318十週年之後 by Wan-Ling Yen (嚴婉玲), co-founder of Tainan Sprouts. Originally published by Voice Tank. Translation by Stacy Tang and edited by Chieh-Ting Yeh.

I was supposed to start writing this essay two weeks before the 10th anniversary of the Sunflower Movement on March 18th, but I only finished it recently. After an entire week of all sorts of commemorations and articles on this subject, I’d like to talk about two things that haven’t been discussed as much.

Changes in NGOs over the past decade

While the focus has largely been on the trajectory of the youth generation in the decade since the Sunflower Movement, what transformations have the vital NGO workers in the movement made during this time?

TheDemocratic Front Against Cross-Strait Trade in Service Agreement, which was established in 2013, is composed of 37 civic groups, including Taiwan Association of University Professors, Taiwan Association for Human Rights, Covenants Watch, Taiwan Labuor Front, Taiwan Rural Front, Awakening Foundation, The Black Island Nation Youth Front, and Judicial Reform Foundation. Most of these NGOs were established before 2010. The earliest ones, such as the Taiwan Association for Human Rights, Taiwan Labour Front, and Awakening Foundation, emerged around the time martial law was lifted, or in the early 1990s, and have consistently played a crucial role in Taiwan’s social movement advocacy.

Several others were established after 2000, such as the Taiwan Democracy Watch, The Association of Parent Participating Education in Taiwan, Taiwan Rural Front, and Citizen of The Earth Taiwan. Following their establishment, they engaged in various protests around 2010. These activists are familiar with each other, coordinating in issue advocacy and researching policy impacts from diverse perspectives.

In the early stages of opposing the service trade agreement (which later became known as the Sunflower Movement), when the general public was still unfamiliar with the issue, these organizations had already been collaborating under the framework of the Democratic Front Against Cross-Strait Trade in Service Agreement, meticulously organizing press conferences, seminars, field research, and street speeches. After the students’ occupation of the Legislative Yuan on March 18th, these organizations took on various logistical and support roles. However, in the public’s perception, the focus was primarily on the students seen in the streets and chambers, with few recognizing the diligent efforts of these NGO workers.

After the occupation of the Legislative Yuan, the students returned to school and the NGO workers gradually returned to their positions, continuing their often undervalued yet vital roles. But what kind of changes have civil society organizations encountered over the past decade?

The phenomena I observed include:

For example, the establishment of the Gong-Sheng 228 Music Festival in 2013 initially started as an event to commemorate the 228 Massacre but gradually evolved into a youth organization dedicated to addressing transitional justice issues. Similarly, oneforty, founded in 2015, focuses on migrant worker education issues. Likewise, With Red, founded in 2021, focuses on issues concerning the effects of poverty on menstrual health.

While these topics were previously categorized within broader advocacy areas of CSOs, such as migrant workers’ rights, gender equality, and transitional justice, the new generation of activists have forged their own path in setting agendas and operational strategies. They are more proactive in collaborating with public agencies and businesses to acquire operational resources and leverage various social media platforms to gain influence among younger demographics.

2. Large CSOs primarily consists of workers aged between 40 and 60.

Having experienced the democratization movement of the 1990s and two rounds of power transfers, there was an influx of activists going into government posts with Tsai Ing-wen’s presidency in 2016. This gave the activists a chance to carry out their missions as a part of the government, but the departure of many CSO veterans weakened the CSOs’ operational energy.

Additionally, the large CSOs’ strategies and advocacy methods have largely remained unchanged from a decade ago. However, the evolution of social media has made advocacy vastly different from ten years ago. While the political landscape still revolves around the dominance of the two major parties, the rise of the Taiwan People’s Party has confirmed that attempts by civil society to deepen rational discussions on issues have fallen short for now. Voters still prefer to make quick policy decision based on intuition, which is easily influenced by the shifting winds of public opinion. If NGO workers from the core generation fail to adapt the latest tools, it will become more challenging than ever to exert influence and secure resources. The transformation of NGOs is more than just digital adaptation; it requires a shift in thinking, and now is the opportunity for such change.

3. NGO transformation amidst current trends (Conclusion).

The development of CSOs and political and social dynamics mutually influence each other, gradually transcending previous binary thinking patterns and oppositional stances toward the government. In recent years, the United Nations’ promotion of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) has provided new avenues for CSOs to address issues such as climate change, urban-rural disparities, and inequality in opportunities. These concerns were previously considered left-wing or radical-leftist and now gain broader attention. Moreover, the global trend of companies being mandated to disclose sustainability reports (ESG) has made it possible to drive social reforms in different perspectives through private sector capitals and resources. If CSOs can effectively utilize this trend, such as through initiatives like the “National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights” introduced by the Executive Yuan in 2020, there exists an opportunity for collaborative efforts across various sectors to achieve significant results with less effort.

The impact of AI on CSOs is undeniably transformative. If CSOs effectively leverage AI technology, in conjunction with the emergence of civic technology and social media resources since around 2014, the challenges faced by CSO’s – such as shortages in human resources, in-depth data collection and research, and international experience exchange and development – can be significantly improved. Whether CSOs who tirelessly contributed and played a crucial role during the Sunflower Movement can keep pace with the times, and whether the core generation can collaborate with and learn from the experiences of the younger generations, will determine the future trajectory of civil society’s energy and capabilities. The author earnestly anticipates that the necessity of transformation within CSOs can be more recognized and valued at its tenth anniversary.

The Changes in Local Politics Over the Past Decade

The Sunflower Movement in 2014 has indeed gave birth to several young politicians in subsequent local elections. However, after a decade, many of them failed to be reelected. It is apparent that their attempts to enter politics, especially through new political parties, have failed. Many also perceive a regression to old-fashioned politics in local governance. But what exactly does old-fashioned politics mean, and has there been no change?

This author invited local political workers, congressional staff, journalists and activists from the Sunflower generation to explore various facets of local politics from different perspectives, which are published in the book “Taiwan Local Politics Reader.” In contrast to a decade ago, these young individuals have gained more “local” experiences. Consequently, they have begun to offer insights into the local patronage and factional relationships, and even challenged those relationships. While such theories could explain the workings of local factions under the authoritarian control of the party-state 30 years ago, the question arises: are they still applicable today? Have our perceptions of old politics remained confined to that era?

30 years ago, China’s intervention in Taiwan’s elections relied on intimidation by missiles, and social media was non-existent. Information manipulation was tightly controlled by the party-state. However, China’s current influences infiltrate our local communities through diverse systems at all levels, including the network of temples, agricultural distribution systems, village representative networks, and even small and medium-sized enterprises. Information/Cyber warfare has only emerged in the past decade, profoundly influencing the development of the political situation.

After 2010, the six upgraded special municipalities account for over 70% of the country’s total population. The four new special municipalities–Tainan, Kaohsiung, Taichung and Taoyuan–abolished elections at the township and county levels upon their upgrade. Apart from the absence of township and city mayor positions, the more crucial change was the end of township and city councils. This sudden disruption of the essential resource networks that once supplied patron-client systems had adverse effects on the development of traditional local factions. However, local politically influential families like the Chang family in Yunlin, the Yen family in Taichung, the Hsieh family in Keelung, the Hsieh family in Changhua, and the Fu family in Hualien continue to flourish. Understanding how the current resource networks are constructed, how interests are conveyed, and the relationship with China still requires careful examination and delineation by knowledgeable researchers.

Has the course of local politics truly reverted to old-fashioned politics without being influenced by the political landscape post 318 Movement? Besides the sudden rise and fall of the New Power Party, the emergence of the Taiwan People’s Party, which even won the mayor’s seat in Hsinchu, demonstrates that the voter structure in local politics is evolving. The political preferences of the younger generation gradually can influence the outcomes of county and city mayor elections. The Taiwan People’s Party’s victory in Hsinchu, populated by young engineers, is not an isolated incident. Taking Tainan as an example, the Taiwan People’s Party’s support near Southern Taiwan Science Park is rapidly growing. Historically, Tainan’s county and city mayorships were controlled by the DPP. If the accumulated dissatisfaction towards the ruling party cannot be effectively addressed, it will fuel the growth of the Taiwan People’s Party. Notwithstanding, it is heartening to see examples like Liu Yu-yu, a former social movement activist, being elected as a town mayor in Miaoli. Whether she can be re-elected and if her success can be replicated elsewhere remain to be observed.

End of the tenth anniversary party

On the evening of March 18, 2024, my friends and I revisited the streets of Jinan Road to commemorate the 10th-anniversary of the Sunflower Movement. At its peak, the turnout indeed was over five hundred people. Based on my observations and estimates, those who had participated during the movement accounted for approximately 60-70%, among which NGO workers comprised only about 10-20%. The rest, about 30%, were young individuals who were still relatively young ten years ago, but are now attending universities, graduate schools, or have just entered the workforce. Since there was no live broadcast or any social media influencers or political celebrities present at the event, those who chose to come were likely active citizens who still support the movement’s demands or wanted to reconnect with familiar faces from the movement, rather than star-chasers.

Photo from the 318 Movement’s tenth anniversary party. Photo courtesy of Wang-Ling Yen.

During the event, Lawyer Lai Chung-Chiang continued to passionately advocate for the unfulfilled demands of the civic constitutional conference during the Sunflower Movement, while Professor Wu Ruei-ren energetically stirred the enthusiasm of the young people. The presence of police vehicles, barricades, and officers nearby did indeed evoke a sense of the past. However, I believe everyone present was well aware that Taiwanese society has changed over the past decade. There have been shifts in the macro-environment and the legacy of the movement’s achievements were created due to political opportunities back then. It’s unlikely that anyone will be able to capitalize on political gains solely based on their involvement in the Sunflower Movement anymore, and that’s probably for the best. Apart from holding the state accountable for the violence on 324, let the movement remain in memory and history.

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The author is a student of history and social activist who returned to her hometown of Tainan after the Sunflower Movement and be involved in local issues. In 2016, she co-founded the group Tainan Sprouts with a group of young people to engage inlocal issues. In 2023, she edited the book “Taiwan Local Politics Reader.”