The public stances of Taiwanese celebrities have drawn increasing attention from public opinion. Each year, on October 1st, the National Day of the People’s Republic of China (China), the attitudes of Taiwanese entertainers are closely watched by both Chinese and Taiwanese communities. This year, the prestigious actor Wu Kang-ren (吳慷仁) and singer Anpu, also known as Deserts Chang (安溥/張懸), have been particularly discussed in Taiwanese society because of their involvement in Taiwan’s social movements.
Notably, both of them supported the Sunflower Movement in 2014, which was widely perceived as being “anti-China.” Additionally, Anpu had publicly supported Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement, posting online: “Do not be placated, do not give up. This is not just a change happening in Hong Kong, the world is changing!” However, times have changed, and the fact that both Wu and Anpu have now joined in celebrating the Chinese National Day has sparked widespread attention.
On October 5th, Taiwan (Republic of China) President Lai Ching-te delivered a speech at the National Day banquet in Taipei, stating: “When we celebrate various events, the most important thing to always bear in mind is that we are a sovereign and independent nation. We must always love our country, while learning from the spirit of our forefathers, who sacrificed and contributed to protecting our national sovereignty. By safeguarding democracy, freedom, and human rights, we honour those who have made sacrifices over the years.” Lai went on to say: “Recently, the PRC just celebrated its 75th birthday on October 1st, while the ROC is about to celebrate its 113th. Therefore, in terms of age, it is IMPOSSIBLE for the PRC to be the motherland of the ROC’s people. In fact, it is more likely that the ROC could be the motherland of those aged 75 and over in the PRC. If anyone wishes to congratulate the PRC on its birthday, they should be precise with their wording and avoid using the term ‘motherland’.” His remarks elicited applause from the audience. Various media outlets have interpreted this as the Lai administration’s clear stance on the discourse surrounding the term “motherland.”
The history of Taiwanese immigration and identity
For Taiwanese people, their identity is deeply connected to the island’s historical development. Taiwan’s population is made up of Austronesian indigenous tribes, Hoklo (Minnan), Hakka, other Han Chinese who came with the Kuomintang (KMT) after World War II (commonly referred to as “Mainlanders” 外省人), as well as the new residents (新住民) from around the world, particularly from Southeast Asian countries. Taiwan’s indigenous peoples gradually embraced Christianity after the Dutch and Spanish colonisation, and the subsequent opening of the island to Christian missionaries by later regimes.
During the Dutch and Spanish colonial periods, Hoklo and Hakka people were brought to Taiwan as labourers. The immigration continued, after European powers’ colonial period came to an end, and the Qing Empire’s cession of the island to Japan. Under Japanese colonial rule, various ethnic groups in Taiwan were forced to learn “national language” (國語), Japanese, as the common language. Despite the Japanese colonial government’s later efforts to promote the “Kominka Movement” (皇民化運動) and the “Naiichi Enchō Shugi” (extending mainland practices to Taiwan, 內地延長主義) aimed at assimilating the population, Taiwanese people still faced discrimination in areas such as education and employment. Consequently, indigenous peoples, Hoklo, and Hakka developed a sense of identity as “islanders” (本島人), distinguishing themselves from Japanese “mainlanders” (內地人).
After World War II, over one million Chinese immigrants, known as Mainlanders, arrived in Taiwan along with the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) government. The KMT regime imposed nearly 40 years of authoritarian rule on Taiwan, actively promoting a Chinese identity and urging every citizen to “be a real Chinese.” (堂堂正正的中國人) This instilled the notion in Taiwanese society that people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait were part of the same “Chinese nation,” sharing the same language and culture.
Taiwanese people were required not only to learn the new “national language” Mandarin Chinese, but also to memorise details of China’s geography, such as its rivers, and railways, while knowledge of Taiwan’s geography was neglected in the textbooks. Furthermore, the regime suppressed local languages and cultural activities, including banning students from speaking their mother tongue at school and forbidding traditional glove puppetry on television. This led to a widespread perception even in post-democratisation Taiwan that describing something as “very Taiwanese” (很台) or “local” (很本土) was akin to calling it vulgar. Although these discriminatory policies fostered a strong Chinese identity in Taiwan society, they also sowed the seeds of ethnic conflict.
In addition, in 1989, Taiwan introduced its first group of Southeast Asian migrant workers. Today, foreign nationals working and studying in Taiwan, along with foreign spouses, are collectively recognised as “new residents” with their numbers reaching 1.5 million. These new residents and their second-generation descendants have also influenced Taiwan’s sense of self-identity. Their presence reinforces Taiwan’s characteristics as an immigrant society and dilutes the elements of the “Chinese nation.”
Democratisation and the debate on Taiwanese identity
In 1987, under pressure from the United States, the KMT government announced the lifting of martial law in Taiwan. In 1996 the first direct presidential election was held, deepening the process of democratisation. Under the administration of Taiwan’s first democratically elected president Lee Teng-hui, the notion of the “New Era Taiwanese” (新時代台灣人) was promoted.
Lee argued that only through democratic means could Taiwan’s ethnic issues be fully resolved. His government implemented “community building” initiatives (社區總體營造) during the democratic reforms, hoping to instil new meaning into national identity with the spirit of democracy. The Taiwanese identity has stemmed from the historical interactions of the people, along with the civic and community consciousness that developed with democratisation. Lee advocated that Taiwanese society should use this to break away from identity constructs based on geography and ancestry, encouraging people to adopt democratic ideals in creating a new, inclusive society. Simultaneously, he sought to promote “localisation” (本土化) within the KMT itself.
In 2000, Taiwan experienced its first peaceful transition of power. Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was elected president, continuing the ROC’s localisation policy. Under the leadership of Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian, the Taiwanese government implemented several policies to strengthen “Taiwanese subjectivity.” (台灣主體性) These included the 1992 revision of the Household Registration Law, changing the “father’s birthplace” on national ID cards to “place of birth,” a move that highlighted a focus on local communities rather than the ancestral links to China that had caused social divisions. In 1996, the government initiated a reform process that froze the Taiwan Provincial Government. In 1997, February 28th was established as Peace Memorial Day, while the significance of historical events such as the September 18th Incident was downplayed. In 2000, new designs for Taiwan’s banknotes incorporated more local elements. By 2001, Taiwan-related content and local languages were included in the national curriculum, promoting a “concentric circles” view of history (同心圓史觀). In 2003, “Taiwan” was added to ROC passports to distinguish it from the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and in 2004, the “name rectification movement” was launched, promoting the use of “Taiwan” in various activities.
These trends towards strengthening Taiwanese identity eased following the second political transition in the 2008 presidential election. Under the KMT administration of President Ma Ying-jeou, “cross strait” exchanges were gradually strengthened. Concrete measures included allowing Chinese tourists to visit Taiwan in 2008, direct flights between Taiwan and China in 2008, and opening up Taiwan to Chinese students in 2011. At the same time, the Ma administration adjusted educational policies, re-emphasising a Chinese historical perspective, which was seen as a “return to correctness.”
Under Ma’s leadership, tensions across the Taiwan Strait eased, and the KMT won reelection in 2012. However, as cross strait interactions increased, Chinese identity once again became a focal point of discussion in Taiwanese society. A series of incidents, such as the confiscation of ROC flags by police during visits by Chinese officials and the refusal to allow Taiwanese citizens to enter United Nations offices with their ROC passports, sparked controversy.
In 2016, Taiwanese entertainer Chou Tzu-yu, who was pursuing her career in South Korea, waved the ROC flag and identified herself as coming from Taiwan on a variety show. This triggered an intense reaction from Chinese netizens. In a subsequent apology video released on 15 January, Chou stated, “There is only one China, and both sides of the Taiwan Strait are part of one China. I have always been proud to be Chinese.” The video, which was said to look like a hostage video, shocked Taiwanese society. The following day, 16 January, Taiwan held its presidential election, and the Chou Tzu-yu incident was seen as the final blow to the KMT’s chances.
In her victory speech, Tsai Ing-wen remarked, “Taiwan is a democratic and free country. The greatness of this country lies in the fact that everyone has the right to be themselves. This country guarantees all its citizens the freedom to choose… Taiwanese are free people, Taiwanese are democratic people. As long as I am president, I will ensure that no one has to apologise for their identity.”
The Tsai administration adopted “Republic of China (Taiwan)” as its official discourse, aiming to garner support from citizens who identify with either the ROC or Taiwan. Externally, Tsai’s government emphasised that “the Republic of China and the People’s Republic of China are not subordinate to each other.” A series of policies to reinforce Taiwanese identity were implemented, including the passing of the National Languages Development Act in 2018, which designated local languages as national languages, the establishment of a Taiwanese-language television station in 2019, and the promotion of policies related to new immigrants. In diplomacy, the Tsai government pursued the New Southbound Policy, strengthening ties with Southeast Asian nations and further reinforcing Taiwan’s image as an immigrant society. These actions have continued to diminish the elements of Chinese identity in Taiwan.
Lai Ching-te’s administration and the future of Taiwanese identity
Looking back, Chen Shui-bian’s administration attempted to promote “de-Sinification” (去中國化) through a series of policies aimed at strengthening Taiwanese identity. His successor, President Ma Ying-jeou, however, was strongly upholding the narrative of “both sides of the Strait belonging to the Chinese nation”, effectively putting the development of Taiwanese subjectivity on hold.
The concept of Taiwanese subjectivity, which was first articulated in the 1990s by Lee Teng-hui with his discourse on the “New Era Taiwanese,” has always contained democratic values as part of its civic identity. Lee argued that “the collective consciousness of the Taiwanese people must be democratic, not ethnic,” recognising that Taiwanese nationalism alone would struggle to counter Chinese nationalism. However, framing the debate as “democratic Taiwan” versus “authoritarian China” offers an opportunity for Taiwan to align itself with the global democratic community.
During Tsai Ing-wen’s eight-year presidency, she consistently emphasised Taiwan’s commitment to democracy and freedom, maintaining close cooperation with like-minded countries. Externally, this highlighted the democratic foundation of Taiwanese identity and reinforced Taiwan’s standing in the international community.
Overall, it appears that Taiwanese identity will become mainstream under Lai’s administration. In the 2024 presidential election in Taiwan, Lai Ching-te secured victory with 5.58 million votes, successfully extending the DDP’s rule. In his victory speech, Lai stated, “(Through this election,) Taiwan has told the world that, between democracy and authoritarianism, we choose to stand on the side of democracy. The Republic of China (Taiwan) will continue to walk alongside our democratic allies internationally.” He emphasised the democratic values of Taiwanese society as a cornerstone of Taiwanese identity. In July, Lai highlighted that “establishing a national identity rooted in Taiwanese subjectivity” is one of his key objectives in office. He said, “Whether it is called the Republic of China, Taiwan, or the Republic of China (Taiwan), what the world recognises is this land and its 23.5 million people.” It seems this narrative will continue the trend since it was proposed in the 1990s. These moves have been criticised by Beijing as promoting Taiwan independence. Former President Ma Ying-jeou also condemned Lai Ching-te’s statements as a “new two-state theory” and declined to attend the Republic of China’s National Day celebrations on 10 October. Ma stated, “According to the current Constitution of the Republic of China, Taiwan and the mainland are not two separate countries, but two regions that can coexist peacefully.” He explained that he did not want to give the impression that former presidents attending the ceremony were endorsing this “new two-state theory,” even though former presidents such as Chen Shui-bian and Tsai Ing-wen had attended the event.
In his National Day speech, Lai Ching-te said China has no right to represent Taiwan and Beijing should work with Taipei on global challenges. Lai indicated that 113 years ago, a group of people overthrew the imperial regime. Their dream was to establish a democratic republic of the people, to be governed by the people and for the people. However, the dream of democracy was engulfed in the raging flames of war (referring to World War II and the Chinese Civil War). The ideal of freedom had for long eroded under authoritarian rule (referring to martial law and the White Terror).
Lai’s subsequent comments marked the significance of “Taiwanese subjectivity,” as he sought to reinterpret the nation’s history with Taiwan as a focus, aiming to foster unity: “We will never forget the Battle of Guningtou 75 years ago, or the August 23 Artillery Battle 66 years ago. Though we arrived on this land at different times and belonged to different communities, we defended Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, and Matsu. We defended the Republic of China. We will never forget the Kaohsiung Incident 45 years ago, or wave after wave of democracy movements. Again and again, people who carried the dream of democracy and the ideal of freedom, through valiant sacrifice and devotion, gave their lives to open the door to democracy. Over more than a century, the people’s desire to master their own destiny has finally been fulfilled.”
It is evident that the path of Taiwanese subjectivity will continue to advance under the Lai administration, accompanied by policies emphasising democratic ideals, rather than taking a route of pitting Taiwanese nationalism against Chinese nationalism. To this day, the definition of “Taiwanese identity” continues to evolve on the island in line with historical developments. Debates over the nation’s status and the essence of national identity are expected to attract increasing global attention in the foreseeable future.
(Featured photo by Taiwan’s Presidential Office)
